Bibliotheca 11 Greeks, Latins, and Intellectual History 1204

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Greeks, Latins, and
Intellectual History
Edited by
Martin Hinterberger and
Chris Schabel
The investigation of how Latins are represented in Byzantine hagiography might be especially useful for the exploration of the Byzantines'
attitude towards the Latins. One reason is that hagiography was a
powerful tool of propaganda in the framework of ideological clashes.
It was powerful because, more than other genres, hagiographical texts
presented the exemplary life and conduct. Furthermore, these texts
were firmly connected to the cult of saints, so that they reached a wide
public by being read aloud at the saint's feast. Such an investigation
will also help to contexrualize better the so-called Martyrion Kyprion,
a text describing the martyrdom of the thirteen Cypriot monks of
Kantara in 1231, on which Chris Schabel, Alexander Beihammer and
I have been trying to shed more light for some time now.
As I am still at the beginning of my research, my paper will have
more the character of a work-in-progress. I have seen a substantial
portion of the hagiographical texts of the Palaiologan period, but not
all of them. For this reason whatever conclusion I reach must be
considered preliminary.
By hagiography I mean, in a rather broad sense, texts dedicated to a
person venerated as a saint and intended to support the cult of this saint,
but I have concentrated on texts which can be characterized primarily
as narrative (meaning that I have excluded akolouthies and hymns),'
1. All known texts on Byzantine saints are catalogued in F. HALKlN,Bibliotheca
Hagiographica Graeca (Subsidia hagiographica 8a), Brussels 31957, and IDEM, Novum
Auctarium Bib/ioth~cM Hagiographica~ Graecae (Subsidia hagiographica 65), Brussels 1984
(= BHG). So far a thorough and general study on Byzantine hagiography has not been
accomplished (Stephanos Efthymiadis has announced a comprehensive handbook on the
subject in two volumes, which we hope will materialize soon). In addition to the rather
short, but informative article by A. KAzHDAN and A.-M. TALBOT, "Hagiography", in:
A. KAzHDAN (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary o/Byzantium, Oxford 1991, pp. 897-898, for
My research has been carried out on the basis of a representative sample
of texts written during the period 1100-1500, without being exhaustive,
of course. I have focused on texts dedicated to saints who lived in the
period under scrutiny, but I have also taken into consideration texts on
older saints.'
Hagiography is strongly connected to, but not dependent on, the
appearance of new saints. In contrast to the practices of the Latin
Church, in Byzantium there existed no fixed procedure for the canonisation of saints. 3 The veneration of a certain saint was always more
or less a matter of general consent. There are very few cases where the
patriarch interfered with the veneration of a particular saint outside
of Constantinople. Nevertheless, the Church had the possibility and
the means to support the cult of a saint, if it wished. It was, e.g., with
the strong backing of Patriarch Philotheos Kokkinos that in 1368
Gregory Palamas was officially proclaimed a saint."
A few words on the development of the genre may be appropriate.
In comparison to the previous two centuries, in the Palaiologan period
hagiography was a rather productive genre. There is an enormous
number of new versions of old saint's lives (totalling 125 out of
ca. 160 texts, i.e., 78%), the bulk of these texts having been written
during the early part of our period, especially in the reign of
Andronikos 11 (1282-1328).5 The majority of new saints' lives fit into
a general overview one may consult D.G. TSAMES, A)'toAo)'la
TTjr; Oe{)6()o~Tjr; E>e>eATjala"
Thessalonica 1999, esp. pp. 19-53. Useful material on Byzanrine saints and hagiography
in general is also provided by the Dumbarton
Oaks Hagiography Database (http://www.
2. E. MORINl, "Greci e latini dalle crociare alIa francocrazia nelle fonti agiografiche bizantine", in: Rivista di Bizantinistica 3 (1993), pp. 183-225, is an insightful study that focuses
more on Greek-Latin relationships surrounding the cult of saints than on the hagiographical
texts themselves. The article, however, contains interesting observations on the Martyrion
Kyprion as well as on the Lift of Sabas, both of which I am going to discuss in detail in the
present article. D. ABRAHAMSE, "Byzanrine Views of the West in the Early Crusade Period:
The Evidence of Hagiography", in: V.P. GROSS (ed.), The Meetingr ofTwo Worlds: Cultural
Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, Kalamazoo, Mich. 1986,
pp. 189-200, also provides interesting information gathered from lZth-cenrury texts.
3. A.-M. TALBOT, "Canonization",
in: KAzHDAN, The Oxford Dictionary ofByzantium,
p. 372; R. MACRIDES, "Saints and Sainthood
in the Early Palaiologan
Period", in:
S. HACKEL (ed.), The Byzantine Saint: Unioersity of Birmingham 14th Spring Symposium of
Byzantine Studies, London 1981, pp. 67-87, esp. pp. 79-87.
4. MACRIDES, "Saints and Sainthood", P: 83.
5. A.-M. TALBOT, "Old Wine in New Bottles: The Rewriting of Saints' Lives in the
Palaeologan Period", in: S. CURÖC and D. MOURIKI (eds.), The Twilight of Byzantium.
one of the following two categories: lives of heroes of the anti-unionist struggle and lives of heroes of the Hesychast movement. We may
already record that in terms of numbers, anti-Latin hagiography, in
the sense of hagiographical texts promoting saints who had struggled
against the Latins, virtually does not exist. In most texts in which
Latins do appear, they are merely mentioned and are not really the
centre of arrention.
The keywords I looked for in these hagiographical texts were primarily AIX't'LVOC;
and 'hIXAOC;.6
In Byzantine texts, the word AIX't'!:voc;
used in two senses: firstly, AIX't'LVOC;
means the speaker of Latin or
refers to the geographical provenance of a person, and could thus be
translated as "Westerner". Secondly, Aoc't'i:'voc;
refers to the denomination, meaning an adherent to the Church of Rome, what we now call
a Roman Catholic. In the texts I have examined so far, before the year
1200 the word AIX't'i:'vos
refers primarily to ethnic provenance or to
linguistic identity, and in many cases it is specified which of the two
is meant.I It is only after ca. 1200 that the word primarily characterizes adherents to the Roman Catholic Church." 'I 't'IXAOC;,
on the other
Aspects of Cultural and Religious History in the Lau Byzantine Empire. Papers from the
Colloquium Held at Princeton University 8-9 May 1989. Princeton, NJ 1991, pp. 15-26,
esp. pp. 16-17. On the Lives of new saints see A.E. LAIou-THOMADAKJS,
"Saints and
Society in the Late Byzanrine Empire", in: EADEM(ed.), Charanis Studies. Essays in Honor
of P. Charanis, New Brunswick, NJ 1980, pp. 84-114.
6. On the general usage of AClT!:VO<; in Byzantine texts (with special focus on historicgraphical texts) see J. KODER,"Latinoi - The Image of the Other according to Greek
Sources", in: CA. MALTEZOUand P. SCHREINER(eds.), Bisanzio, Venezia eil monda
franco-greeo (XIII-XV secolo). Atti del Colloquia lnternazionale organizzato nel centenario
della nascita di Raymand-joseph Loenertz O'P. Vmezia, 1-2 dicembre 2000, Venice 2002,
pp. 25-39 (with further bibliography). See also A. KAZHDAN,"Latins and Franks in Byzantium: Perception and Reality from the Eleventh to the Twelfth Century", in: A.E. LAIou
and R.P. MOTTAHEDEH(eds.), The CrusatUs from the Perspective of Byzantium and the
Muslim World, Washington, DC 2001, pp. 83-100, who discusses the terrns AClTLVO<; and
«pP"YY0<; and their origin. The term «pP"YY0<; is of minor significance in hagiographical
texts of the period under investigation here.
7. E.g., AClTLVOL TO y£vo<; in the Life ofNikon (shortly after 1042), ed. D.F. SULLNAN,
The Lift of Saint Nikan, Brookline, MA 1987, 74, 1 (p, 250) where the text refers to
two brothers from Aquileia, and T"ijv YA(;,TTClV AIXTLVO<; in John Rhodios, Life of Christodoulos (ca. 1140), ed. K. BOINES,'A;eo).ovOia If(!UTOV oaiov ;eat Ow<PO(!OV1laT(!OC; ~!1iiw
TOV OaVIWTOV(!YOV, Athens 1884, ch. 20 (p, 132, 10).
8. Nota bene, this is true only for the material I have used for the present investigation.
In the texts used by KODER,"Latinoi", in mosr cases AClTLVO<; points to ethnic provenance.
This difference, ar least in parr, is due to the different subject that each genre, hagiography
or historiography, focuses on. The term <l>payyo<; is only rarely used, mostly as a synonym
hand, primarily refers to Italian provenance, but also more generally
to Western origin. Sometimes 'hOtMr; is used as a synonym of Aln'i:vos
in its meaning "Roman Carholic"." Whereas these two words may
also be used in a neutral sense when exclusively referring to local
provenance, the term &~uf.L("1)r;, "the user of unleavened bread", is
clearly polemical. It is interesting to note that it was this very dogmatic difference, the usage of unleavened bread for Holy Communion, and not any other (papal primacy for instance) that led to the
creation of an abusive term for the Latins."
Naturally, Latins appear only in texts referring to saints who somehow made contact with LatinsIW esterners. Before the age of the Crusades, this means primarily saints of Southern Italy and the neighbouring Peloponnese. After the intrusion of Westerners in former
Byzantine areas, Latins are to be found generally in texts related to
the Holy Land and the islands which are located on the way there
(Patmos, Cyprus, etc.). After the capture of Constantinople in 1204
and the partition of the empire among the participants of the Crusade, Latins can appear in texts related to all former Byzantine
In the period prior to 1150 Latins make only accidental appearances.l! One exceptional case worth mentioning, though, is the Vita
of St. Lucas, bishop of Capo Rizzuto in Calabria, who died in 1114.12
According to the Life, which was written in 1119/20 and in fact is
of'hlXA6<;; sec, e.g., Life of Arhanasios of Meteora, ed, D. SOPHIANOS, '08ULOI; 'A8avUULOt;
Bloc, axo).o,,(J[a, (11JI'U~aeta, Meteora 1990, ch. 6, p. 133: TOÜ&aTEw<;lit
UTt'IXIrrWVß TtIXi:<;
tS.:,,, !la TO;:;"O\lß <llpocyyw'll
£~.xpx.wv... (both rerms referring here to the Catalans of the Duchy of Athens). On the
general use of <J>pocl(o<;see KODER, "Larinoi - The Image of the Other According to
Creek Sources".
9. E.g., PHlLOTHEOS OF SElYMBRIA,Enkomion on Agathonikos (BHG 43), ed, PG 154,
cols. 1229-1240, esp. col. 1237C.
10. On the azyma-question and its special place in discussions between Byzantines and
Latins, see C. SCHABEL'sarticle in the present volume. For the rather rare occurrences of
the word &~ufL£TlJ<;
and its abusive meaning sec E. TRAPP (et alii), Lexikon zur byzantinischm Gräzitiit, vol. I, Vienna 2001, sub voce, and E. KRiARAs, AE~tx6 TfJt; flEaUtWVtxijt;
MJfl(Movt; yeaflflaTElat;,
vol. 1, Thessalonica 1969, sub VOCt. There is only one
rather late (17th c.) entrance for the word 7tIXTt£~IX<;,
"follower of the pope", KRlARAs,
AE~tx6, vol. 14, Thessalonica
1997, sub oace.
11. On hagiographical texts of the 12th century see generally P. MAGDALINO, "The
Byzantine Holy Man in the 12th Century", in: HACKEL, The Byzantint Saint, pp. 51-66,
esp. 52-54.
12. Ed. G. SCHIRO, Vita di S. Luc« uescoua di isola Capo Rizzuto, Palermo 1954.
{, MEUWe[Tfjr;.
more a collection of miracles than a biography, Lucas had a violent
encounter with Latins.P He once had a discussion with Roman Catholics in his bishopric about the use of azyma and enzyma (unleavened
and leavened bread). Lucas produced Scriptural evidence supporting
the use of leavened bread for Holy Communion, and concluded his
speech by telling the Latins that their practice was Jewish and that
they committed innumerable other heretical deeds. These insulting
words infuriated the Latins so much that they built a hut, forced
Lucas into it and subsequently set the hut afire. It is reported that
Lucas miraculously remained unhurt, but in the following episode of
the Life he dies from an unspecified illness, raising suspicions that in
fact he was burnt. Regardless of what really happened to Lucas, this
story is especially intriguing, because it was the controversy about the
azyma that led to the conflict and the (near) burning of Lucas.
Evidence is much more ample for the period after 1150. Some
examples may be representative for the broad picture: Since the beginning of the twelfth century the miracle-working relics of Christodoulos ofPatmos had been attracting not only Byzantines, but also Westerners who on their way to the Holy Land stopped at the famous
monastery of St John the Theologian, so that in texts related to the
founder of the monastery, Latins often play an important role.l"
Enkomion on Cbristodoulos
The encomium of Christodoulos of Patmos composed by Theodosios
Gudelis relates in great detail the posthumous miracles of the saint.'?
All of these miracles have to do with the theft or violent removal of the
saint's corpse as a whole or in part (and its miraculous restoration to
13. Vita of Lucas I. 325-349 (= ch. 11).
14. On Christodoulos and his monastery on Patmos, see e.g. A. KAzHDAN, "Christodoulos of Patmos", in: KAzHDAN, Oxford Dictionary of ByMntium, pp. 440-441, and
T.E. GREGORYand N. PAITERSONSEVCENKO,"Patmos", ibid., pp. 1596-1597, as well
as A. KIRBY,"Hosios Christodoulos: an Eleventh-century Byzantine Saint and his
Monasteries", in: BJZIlntinos/avica 57 (1996), pp. 293-309. For the hagiographical texts
dedicated to Christodoulos see esp. E.L. BRANUSE,Ta aYIOAoy",a "fLfJeva 'rov oaLov XoiarodovÄov, lb(!vroii rij<; lv llarfJfp fJ0vij<;,Athens 1966, and EADEM, BvCavTtva lyy(!atpa rijc;
Movijr; llarfJov. A' AUTO"(!arO(!t,,a, Athens 1980, pp. *8-*20 and *68-*n.
15. Ed. by BoINES, 'A"oAovIUa, pp. 163-208. On the author see D. TSOUGARAKIs,
The Lift of Leontios Patriarch of Jerusalnn (The Medieval Mediterranean 2), Leiden-New
York-Cologne 1993, pp. 11-13.
the monastery). The perpetrators of these crimes are nearlyexclusively
Latins, who in the text are primarily referred to as "non-Byzantines"
or "foreigners", ßiXpßlXpm.16 They are the men of King William 11 of
Sicily (in 1186) or King Philipp Augustus of France himself (September 1191, after he abandoned the crusaders' allied forces). The latter,
after a failed attempt to purchase a part of Christodoulos' body, induces
one of his men to steal it. This man, while venerating Christodoulos,
bites off part of the skin covering the saint's hand (eh. 40).
In Gudelis' text, the Latins clearly are depicted as evil and uncultivated, no more than bloodthirsty pirates, especially the men in the
service of the king of Sicily.!" But nowhere are the existing dogmatic
differences mentioned. Their main flaw is that they are not Byzantines, which does not mean that they are exclusively non-Creeks.l''
Besides that, they are closely associated to rebels against the Byzantine
emperor (such as Isaakios Komnenos in Cyprus). All in all, the image
of the Latins is somehow contradictory, because on the one hand they
also worship and venerate Christodoulos piously and in the end are
forced to obey the saint's wish to stay on his island (with all his fingers), but on the other hand they are also unquestionably bad, because
they try to remove the saint from Patmos. This somehow undecided
atrirude vis-ä-vis the Latins changes to explicit hostility in Theodosios'
other hagiographical work.
Life of Leontios
Theodosios Gudelis, who originated from a noble family in Constantinople and himself was a monk in the monastery of St John in Patmos, also wrote the Life of Leontios (1110/15-85), patriarch of J erusalem and former abbot of Parmos.l'' A little after 1176 Leontios was
appointed patriarch of Jerusalem. Although his see was under Crusader rule and had a resident Latin prelate, Leontios decided actually
16. E.g. Theodosios Gudelis, Enkomion 181, 12. 15; 184,4. 6; 187, 15; 188, 20.
22; 189, 1. 23; 193,8.23. 26. 30. 32; 199,9, whereas Aot'<Ivoc; and its derivatives are
only rarely used, e.g. 202, 5. 30; 203, I.
17. E.g., ibid., 202, 16.
18. The author mentions, e.g., Megareires, a pirate of Greek decent in the service of
the king of Sicily; Theodosios Gudelis, Enkomion 177, 5-12.
19. On Leontios biography see TSOUGARAKIS,
The Lift of Leontios, pp. 1-7.
to visit Jerusalem. He reached Acre in the summer of 1177. The
political and ecclesiastical officials of the Kingdom of Jerusalem of
course refused to recognize Leontios' status. His short stay in the
Holy Land is described in the Life (eh, 80-88) in some detail, offering
the author the opporruniry to refer to the conflict with the local Latins and especially to the Latin archbishop's attempt to kill Leontios,
due to his extreme popularity (as during his presence it began to rain
in the middle of a severe draught).
(The Latin archpriest, [= AmalricofNesle, 1158-80))overcomeby unjust
anger, conceived the murder against the one who did nothing unjust,
though he [Amalric1 was an archpriest of God and a discipleof the gentle and mild Jesus and had been caughtnot to let the sun go down upon
his wrath, and who himselfought to teach everyoneto do what he heard
and did. And so at night he sent men armed with swords to the small
house where the man of God stayed, in order to kill him.20
Leontios was saved with the help of God, but this attack on his life
and the continued refusal of the Latin authorities to permit him to
celebrate mass officially in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre forced
Leontios to leave Palestine (surnmer 1178), after a stay of about a
year, and return to Constantinople. Before leaving, however, according to the Life (eh, 87), Leontios was invited by the ruler of Damascus (Saladin, since 1174) to come to his land and obviously to transfer his patriarchal seat there, which serves as another opportuniry for
the author to attack the "innately wicked" Latins by making an unfavourable comparison with the Muslims, because "they, the Latins,
though calling themselves Christians, had behaved to him worse than
those who were completely impious'l.!'
The difference we observe in the two texts concerning the treatment of the Latins by the author may also be genre-related. In the
Encomium the Latins were used for the saint's praise as well, so that
they, being worshipers of the saint, could not be depicted as totally
It is interesting to note that in Gudelis' texts, and especially in the
Life of Leontios, which surely was written after the events of the
GUDEUS, Lift of Leontios, p. 85, 23-28. I follow the translation of
The Lift of Leontios, p. l35; see also the commentary on p. 203.
2 J. THEODOROS GUDELIS, Lift of Leontios, p. l36, 40-41.
Fourth Crusade, there is no developed polemics against the Latins
except the rather short passage on the attempt to kill Leontios.
As we have already mentioned, in the second half of the thirteenth
century hagiographical propaganda focused on Latinophiles, not on
Latins themselves. Characteristically, even in the first decades after the
recapture of Constantinople (1261), hagiographie propaganda concentrated on the victims of Michael VIII's (1258-82) harsh oppression of anri-unionists.V This goes so far that in the narratives the
Church of Rome even assumes a positive role, namely as an ally in
the struggle against iconoclasm, but also against the Fitioque.23
In later texts (of the first half of the fourteenth century) as well,
when in the framework of a historical flashback the Latin occupation
of Constantinople is referred to, there is hardly any expansion on the
subject of the evil Latin to be found.P' Occasionally we hear about
the pillaging of churches by the Latins, and especially about the stealing of relics or the taking of hostages.25 Even in the Life of John
22. MACRIDES, "Saints and Sainthood in the Early Palaiologan Period".
23. E.g., THEODORA RAOULAlNA, Lift of Theodore and Th~ophan~s Graptos (BHG
1793), ch. 12-14, ed. A. PAPADOPOULOS-KERAMEUS, 'AvuA'''Ta 'heOOOAVfJ-m"Fi,
l:TaxvoAoyiar;, vol. 4, Jerusalem 1897, pp. 185-223. See on this text TALBOT, "Old Wine",
pp. 20-21, and F. Rrzzo NERVO, "Teodora Raoulena: Tra agiografia e polirica", in:
l:YNt1El:MOl:. Studi in onore di RosarioAnastasi, vol. 1, Catania 1991, pp. 147-161. On
the pope's rejection of the Filioque, as presented by Theodora, see also C. SODE, [erusalem
- Konstantinopel - Rom. Die VIten tks Michael Synlullos und tin Brüdu Tbeodoros und
Theophanes Graptoi, Stuttgart 2001, esp. 199-200.
24. E.g., KONSTANTINOS AKROPOUTES, Enkomion of Demetrios (BHG 542), 61-62,
vol. 1, pp. 160-215 (and 492-493), esp.
pp. 210-211, when lamenting the fall of Constantinople
in 1204 the author restricts
himself to speak of the "iron narion" and "the hand of the arrogant Italians". For an
exception that proves the rule see NlKEPHOROS GREGORAS, Lift of loannes of Htrakkia
(BHG 2188), ch. 8, ed. V. LAURENT, "La Vie de Jean, Metropolire d'Heraclee de Ponr",
in: 'Aexüov 116VTov 6 (1934), pp. 3-64, here 43, 17-44, 10.
25. Pillaging and theft of relics: Philotheos of Selymbria, Enkomion on Agathonikos
(BHG 43), ed. PG 154, cols. 1229-1240, esp. col. 1237C; hostages taken in Nea Patra
in 1319, Life of Athanasios of Meteora, ed. SOPHIANOS,• 0 ÖOIOr;'AOavaolO, {, M,uweh1/r;,
p. 133, eh. 6; see also the commentary ibid. 40-42; cf. also E. TRAPP, Prosopographisch~s
Lo:ikon der Palaiokigmuit,
Vienna 1976-1996 (; PLP), no. 359, as well as LAIouTHOMADAKIS, "Saints and Society", p. 92, and D.M. NICOL, M~teora. The Rock Monasteries of Thmaly, London 1963, p. 88 (English paraphrase of the passage). Damages
Batatzis (BHG 933, written by George of Pelagonia in the middle of
the fourteenth century), the energetic ruler who led Byzantium back
to power and into a position from which after his death the Byzantines managed to recapture Constantinople, and whose principal
enemies had been the Latins, the latter do not play any special role
in the narrative. Instead of attacking the Latins, this text is in fact a
libel directed against the ruling Byzantine elite of the author's time,
which is unfavourably compared to the erstwhile saviour of the Byzantine State.26
In texts that support the cause of the Hesychast movement, one
recurrent topic is the Italian origin and allegedly concealed Roman
Catholic inclinations of Barlaam the Calabrian, the vehement opponent of Gregory Palamas who, in Hesychast hagiography, is the foreigner scapegoat responsible for the internal strife inside the Orthodox
Church.27 Interestingly, this recurrent topic is not used for any kind
of anti-Latin propaganda. Generally, the Lives of Hesychast saints
focus on the saints' deeds on Mount Athos, although many of them
came from, or undertook long journeys to, regions under Latin rule.
Nevertheless, accidental, but interesting information is provided in
the biography of one of the great Hesychast leaders.
Life of Sabas
Sabas Tziskas (1283-1349), better known as Sabas the Younger, who
had taken monastic vows in the Athenire monastery of Vatopedi, set
out to visit the Holy Land shortly after 1307.28 On his way there he
afHicted to monasteries: Philotheos of Selymbria, Life of Makarios (BHG 1000), eh, 49,
Maveoyoell6.Tftor; {J,{JAtO()~x"1,'AVEx,sOTa aA'1v,xa,
Constantinople 1884, pp. 46-59, esp. p. 6.
26. Cf. MACRIDES,"Saints and Sainthood in the Early PaIaiologan Period", esp.
pp. 69-71. On the veneration of members of the previous Lascarid dynasty as saints as a
fearure of PaIaiologan politics see now T. SHAWCROSS,"In the Name of the True
Emperor", in: Byzantinoslaoic« 66 (2008), pp. 203-227, esp. pp. 214-224.
27. E.g. Philotheos Kokkinos, Life of Sabas 72, 12-25, ed. D.G. TSAMES,tP,).oIJiov
KWVGTan'J'Ot/1lokWt; TQVKoxxlvo» aYlOAoy'X" [eya. A' 8EooaAov,x&'it; aYlOt, Thessalonica
1985, pp. 159-326; Philotheos Kokkinos, Life of Isidoros, 26, 4-9, ed. TsAMES,ibid.,
pp. 327-424.
28. On his biographical data sec PLP 27991. His Life (BHG 1606) was composed by
Patriarch Philotheos Kokkinos (d. previous note): sec on this text also TSAMES,AytoAoyla,
pp. 148-167.
decided to stop in Cyprus, where he had two violent encounters with
local Latins. The first time he was nearly beaten to death by the servants of an 'Italian' nobleman because his behaviour was considered
insulring.i? The second time members of a 'Latin' convent took him
for a thief and, beating him up, nearly killed him.30 These episodes,
of course, do have a strong anti-Latin spirir, and sometimes their
language is abusive against Latins, but the above-mentioned incidents
are described as violent experiences that had to be reckoned with, and
Sabas consciously provoked them with his bizarre behaviour as a Holy
FoolY The Italian nobleman is insulted because Sabas, due to his
vows of silence, does not answer his question concerning his name.
That Sabas' behaviour was provocative and socially most inappropriate is recognized also by the author of his vita, Patriarch Philotheos
Kokkinos, who, trying to explain the saint's strangeness, relates that
long afterwards Sabas had told him privately that at that time he was
driven by a powerful desire for a martyr' s death.V In the vita of Sabas
the Latins thus appear, on the one hand, as a means for Sabas to
achieve the aim he had set out for himself, and on the other, as the
tool of Satan. That the anti-Laein spirit which undoubtedly imbues
these passages has to be seen in a broader context becomes clear from
the fact that these are not the only violent encounters Sabas experienced on Cyprus. In the episode placed in the vita after the beating
by the Italian nobleman's servants and before the near murder by the
Catholic monks, Sabas is furiously insulted and stones are thrown at
him by the Greek Orthodox inhabitants of the island.33
The material I have presented so far stems from texts that belong to
the main currents of Palaiologan hagiography. Now I will turn to
29. Philotheos Kokkinos, Life of Sabas 21.
30. Philotheos Kokkinos, Life of Sabas, 24 (11.2-5: auvotywl'7i
TL1IL 1tpoa[3ocAAEL TW1I
'!-rotAW1I, '!-rotAWV OU TO yl;1IO, 1'-6vo1l XClt ~v ,!,wv~v, OCM:X XClt ~v IT<pt SEat) 36~OlV OlU~V
axYj(.tot ITpOßCCMOfLCVC<lV Kott fL<TL611TC<lvaYjIlEV TO: I'-0VotXwv).
31. For Sabas as a holy fool see S.A. IVANOV, Holy Fools in Byzantium and Bryond,
translated by. S. FRANKLIN, Oxford 2006, pp. 225-232.
32. Philotheos Kokkinos, Life of Sabas, 24, 57-58 and esp. 63-64: 1t6Iloc, fLotpTUPLKWC,
(TO otlfLot) xevWaotL. MORlN!, "Greci e Iatini", p. 216, already pointed out this peculiar trait
in the Life of Sabas.
33. Philorheos Kokkinos, Life of Sabas, ch. 22.
three exceptional cases in which Greeks were put to death by Latins.t"
Although the official Greek Orthodox Church, at least in the beginning of the occupation of Byzantine territories by the Latins, vividly
encouraged its flock to resist any attempt by the Latins to alter the
traditional customs of the Orthodox Church, even at the peril of
death,35 the following cases seem to be the only instances of such
uncompromising resistance. We will see, however, that even in these
cases, what was at stake was not merely religious practices.
The Martyrdom of the Cypriot Monks
The so-called Martyrion Kyprion relates the story of thirteen monks
of the Kantara monastery who were put to death by the Latins in
1231 in Nicosia.l" According to the text the monks were involved in
a discussion with the Dominican friar Andrew, in the course of which
they condemned the use of unleavened bread by the Latins in the
Sacrament of Holy Communion and even called the Latins heretics
because of their use of azyrna.F The monks are summoned to the
34. To my knowledge, these are the only marryrdoms of Greek Orthodox ar the hand
of Roman Catholics arrested in our texts. According to Georgios Pachymeres, History XIII
16 (ed. A FAILLER,G~org~sPachymMs. Relation: bistoriques, vol. 4, Paris 1999, pp. 653655), Patriarch Athanasios IIof Alexandria was forced by Latin friars (whether Franciscans
or Dominicans is not clear) to choose berween embracing the Roman faith and being
burnt as a heretic on Euboia in 1305, but afrer some negotiations he was eventually
allowed to leave the island; cf. also PLP 413.
35. In a document issued berween 1216 and 1224, Archbishop Demetrios Chornatenos of Bulgaria exhorts the monks of Mount Athos not to waver in their resistance
against Latin oppression and assures them explicitly that whoever defends the customs of
the Orthodox Church with his body will be regarded as a martyr; Dernetrios Chornarenos,
Ponemate diapbora, ed. G. PRINZING,Berlin-New York 2002, 54, 68-74 (p, 200). In a
lerrer sent in 1223 Patriarch Germanos II together with the Synod of the exiled Constantinopolitan Church encouraged the members of the Church of Cyprus to resist any pressure in dogmatic matters; cf. the recent discussion of this letter by A BEIHAMMER,Griechische Urkunden aus dem Zypern der Kreuzfahrn-uit. Die Formularsammlung eines
königlichen Sekretärs im Vaticanus Palatinus graecus 367, Nicosia 2007, pp. 82-85.
36. On the event and its historical context see C. SCHABEL,"Religion", in: A. NrcoLAOU-KONNARI
(eds.), Cyprus. Society and Culture 1191-1374, Leiden _
Boston 2005 (The Medieval Mediterranean 58), pp. 157-218, here 196-198.
in: TOflo~ avaflvTjaTixor; En! Tfi
50CTYjeitJa TOV nCelOtJlXOV "Ano<Tlo).or; Baeva{Jar;' (1918-1968), Nicosia 1975, pp. 307338. See also AD. BEIHAMMER
"Two Small Texts on the Wider Context
of the Martyrdom of the Thirteen Monks of Kanrara in Cyprus", in: E. MOTOSGUIRAO
Ioannis Hassiotis . ...Iq d(!wfla 070,. [WUVl"1j XaalluTYj, Granada 2008, pp. 69-81.
capital Nicosia in order to be questioned by the Catholic archbishop.
When they are brought before the latter, they confirm their belief, as
they do again one year and three years later. After their third questioning they are entrusted to the king in order to be executed.
Formally, the so-called Marrydom of the Cypriot Monks is not a
martyrion, but a narrative, öL~yr)(nc;,38 which does, however, exhibit
characteristic traits of the hagiographical genre martyrion. 39 Thus the
discussion between the defendants and their judge looms large in the
story.40 The archbishop, and even more the Dominican Andrew, are
presented as furious and angry and as beasts (e~p), as is their pagan
counterpart in traditional hagiography.t! The Latin officials are also
called TUpotVVOL, which in medieval Greek evokes several associations,
not only that they are cruel and brutal, but also that they exert their
power illegally_42
In the text the thirteen monks appear as representatives of their
people, not only in a religious but also in a national sense. After the
monks have been humiliated and insulted as heretics by the prison
guards in front of the gathered people, all 'PW[Lot'i:oL (i.e., Greeks) pray
to God:43
38. According to the rirle, Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, ed. PAPADOPOULp. 320,1: ~t-ljl'l)at~
TWV ocy£wv TptW"" ><GtLat><Gt oa(w"" 1tGtTtpW"" T(;:W at'" 1t\)pO~ TltAEtw(JeVTw"" 1tGtp'" TWV AGtT(VW"" '"" Tjj v-Ija~ Ku1tp~ Ev Tt;> ,t; <¥ A Il' tTltL. It is interesting to note
that the text on the ficeious martyriurn of the Athonite monks (ed. J. KODER, "Patres
Athonenses Latinophilis occisi sub Michaele VIII", in: Jahrbuch tkr Österreichische«
Byzantinistik 18 [1%9], pp. 79-88, esp. p. 82) is also a narrative with a very similar tide:
1t£pL TWV ,xVGtLPE(JtVTWV Ocylwv 1totTtpw"" TWV £V Tt;> Ocy!<:> "PEt ,mo TWV AGtTIVOCPPOVOUVTWV. See on this text A. Rico, "La sui monad Athoniti rnarririzzari dai latinofroni
(BHG 2333) e le tradizioni Athenire successive: a1cune osservazioni", in: Studi Vmniani
n.s. 15 (1988), pp. 71-106.
39. On the generic characteristics of the martyrion see A. KAzHDAN, "Marryrion,
Literary Genre", in: KAzHDAN, Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, p. 1309, and esp.
H. DELEHAYE, Lo passumsdes martyrs et /es gmres littlraim (Subsidia Hagiographica B),
Brussels 1966 (2nd edition, revised and corrected).
40. Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, pp. 331, 20-332, 5; 333, 4-335,4.
41. &ijpEt; Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, pp. 326, 24 and 329, 24; 335,5;
~£OVTGt Tt;> cpll6v~ ><GtLTt;> IlUfLt;> p. 325, 2-3; IlufLOÜ ,xax_eTOU 1tAl)a6££<; p. 329, 10; 332, 6;
Ti;) IlUfLi;) VL><WfL£""O~ p. 333, 4-5; Tt;> (JUfLi;) u1t£p~£aGtt; p. 335, 6; (JufLoÜ Y£fLW"" p. 335, 7.
42. Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, p. 327, 8; P: 329, 27; cf. also p. 328, 26
(TUpGtvvt><~ t~tT<XaLt;). Already in the Apostolic Canons the word characterizes a schismatic
priest; see G.W.H. LAMPE, A Patristic Gr~~k Lexicon, Oxford 1961, p. 1421 (-rUPGtvvo~ 2).
43. Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, p. 329,18-30. In this text the term 'PwfLGtio<;
obviously means "Greek Orthodox" in opposition to AGtTi:'JO~ "Roman-Catholic", whereas
rpGtL><6~ is only used in the direct speech of Andreas (p. 336, 14), obviously having a
o Lord, look at our injuries, and see our sorrow: these bloodthirsty
have lorded over us all, and they roar like lions. But watch over those
chosen by you, rhese fathers of ours who on behalf of the truth surrendered
themselves to die and to stand against our evil rulers and tyrants, and give
them power and strength against their enemies, so that through them Your
holy name may be glorified and the Orthodox faith may be openly proclaimed and Your humbled and enslaved flock may be exalted.
Furthermore, the brutal and humiliating manner of the monks' execution is called an insult to "our nation" and their martyr's death is
presented as the Greeks' victory over the Latins.«
According to the text, from the very beginning the saints were
preparing for their martyrdom. Long before the encounter with the
Dominican Andrew is mentioned for the first time, it is repeatedly
stated that they are going to die." When they appear before the
archbishop for the first time, the thirteen monks sing Psalm 118, the
martyr's psalm, and the gathered Greeks, in their prayer, also present
the monks as determined to die, so that the stage for the martyrdom
is already set.46
Martyrdom of 'Alexios Kallergis
A wide chronological gap separates the story of the Cypriot monks
from the next Greek text dedicated to the martyrdom of a member
humiliating and abusive connotation. The anonymous author also speaks of"our nation"
in order to distinguish members of the Greek Orthodox Church from Roman Catholics;
Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, p. 324, 27: d~ TOU~ nj~ X0t6' ~fJ.ii~ '(cv£ii~, &'-Adt
XOtL ttc; TOU~ AOtTLVOUe;; p. 324, 30: 'Av8pE:OtV OvOfJ.OtTL, Tii> '(£VtL AOtTi'VOV; p. 327,28: TOUe;
TOÜ ljfJ.£TE:pOU yE:voue; op6086~oue;
xpLaTLOtVOUC; (see also the following note). The word '(ivoc;,
however, may also signify the local provenance, ibid. 328, 5: KU7tPLOL fJ.£V TO '(£Voe;.
44. Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, p. 332, 23: 7tpOe; ÖßPLV ... TOÜ ~fJ.£T£POU
Y£vouc;, p. 336, 24-25: ~~£waOte; ljfJ.iiC; XPCLTTOUC; qlOtvijVOtL TWV XOlTOtp,hwv TOUTWV AOtTLVWV,
p. 336, 26-27: ljfJ.CLe; 8£ XptLnOuc; qlOlVM£C; "'WV AOtnvwv.
45. Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, p. 324, 9 and 20-23.
46. Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers, pp. 330, 17-331, 17 (Psalm 118); P: 329,
22 (np£TLaOtTO &7t060tVtLV) and 25-26 (OCTLVtC;... tOtUTOUC; E~£8(o)xOtv &7to(JOtVti'v). - In the
text the Latin crowd is presented as shouting at the monks and calling them dogs and
heretics (mlnp£voL),
Narrative ofthe Thirteen Holy Fathers, p. 329,15-16. Obviously,
the word here has the general meaning "heretics", not the specific meaning "Kathars" (pact
E. TRAPP [et alii], Lexikon zur byzantinischm Gräzität, 6. Faszikel, Vienna 2007, sub voce).
On the usage of this word in Greek texts see also A. RIGO,Review of J. Hamilton's edition
ofHugh Ereriano's Contra Pasarenos. Leiden-Boston 2004, in: Byzantinisch~ ilitschrift 99
(2006), pp. 662-668, esp. p. 666.
of the Orthodox Church. An anonymous, fragmentary text relates the
deeds of Alexios Kallergis, a hero of the so-called Revolt of St Tito,
the Cretans' rebellion against their Venetian overlords during 136367.47 Alexios is depicted as a splendid and ruthless warrior who literally slaughters a huge number of Venetians or "strangers" in the Venetians' service.t" In this case, the Greek hero fights against enemies
whose ethnic or religious affiliation is never specified; they are simply
called Ex6pot or again 6ijPEC;, "beasts".49 Kallergis' martyrdom, which
in the story is announced at an early stage, is depicted as the hero's
greatest victory and at the same time is strongly evocative of Christ's
death.50 In comparatively long speeches he bids farewell to his fellow
warriors and to his wife, and he delivers himself to the enemies in
order to rescue his own people. 5 1 Whereas in the previous parts of the
text the author's attitude is full of cruel hostility against Kallergis's
enemies (the Venerians) and the latter function merely as the negative
antipode and as a means for exhibiting the hero's virtues (he defeats
47. G.K. PAPAZOGLOU, "«·0, TOV TOÜ !J."'PTUp(OU ilExE"''''' ,nE,!,"'vov», '0 'AA"~lO, KEAA£PY'i' xex! !J.(exOCYVlo.)(1T1j
~l~Y'i<nJ .,.Wv KP'iTlXWV €1t'XVexaTOC<1EWV
TO\) 1365-1367", in: erwav42 (2006), pp. 9-35 (edition of the text, pp. 27-34). In addition to Papazoglou's
ample introduction, see for the wider historical context S. McKEE, "The Revolt of St Tiro
in Fourteenth-Century Venerian Crete: A Reassessment", in: Mediterranean Historical
Review 9 (1995), pp. 173-204; cf. also T.E. DETORAKES, 'Iatoola Tij, K(!~T11', Irakleio
21990, esp. pp. 190-192, and S. XANrnOUDlDES, 'H 'Eveioxoatia fV KI!~nl "ai Ot "an!
TWV 'EveTWV aywve, TWV K(!1)TWV (Texte und Forschungen zur Byzanrinisch-Neugnechischen Philologie 34), Athens 1939,99-110. Whereas this rebellion starred as a revolt of
both Latin and Greek inhabitants of Crete, who had developed a common Cretan identity
without however either of the communities having been assimilared to the other completely, later on the insurrection obtained a stronger Greek character, when members of
che Kallergis family took over the leadership and union with the Byzantine Empire was
proclaimed as an aim; see MCKEE, "The Revolt of St Tiro", especially pp. 185 and 202.
48. Story of Alexios Kallergis (ed. PAPAZOGLOU), 28, 6. 17 (ocAA6<puAoc oi6v1), OCAAO<pUAo,). The Venetians had hired Muslim mercenaries; ibid. 28, 8 ('Ayocp1jvo£); cf. also
DETORAKIS, '/aTof!ia, P: 91. Interestingly the author explicidy refers also to Hungarians,
ibid. p. 29, 19-20 (mE~ Ex TOÜ TWV Ouyxpwv E6vou.:;); 29, 27; 30, 7. The verb "to cur
down, slaughter" is used twice (pp. 28, 17; 29, 26); the author also points out that rhe
enemies' slaughtered bodies can still be seen at the place of the battle (p, 29, 26).
49. Story of Alexios Kallergis, pp. 29, 12; 30, 26. 30; 29, 12 (iX6po£); 29, 31; 30,
1 (6ijPE,). The Greeks are called 'PWfl-OCtOL, ibid. 28, 7; 29, 25.
50. Story of A1exios Kallergis, P: 27, 24 (first announcement of the martyrdom),
p. 30,22-25 (transition to the martyrdom).
51. Story of Alexios Kallergis, P: 31, 5-24 and 33-34 (speech to his followers and
friends), pp. 31, 34-32, 19 (to his wife), p. 32, 19-26 (to his children) and P: 32,27-28
(to everybody present).
all his enemies and ridicules them even when they vastly outnumber
his troops), in the final part a strange turn is to be observed. When
Kallergis is finally delivered, his enemies are awestruck by his heroic
looks and his virtues, so that they honour him and speak to him as a
friend.52 The commander of the enemies, addressing Kallergis as a
friend, even declares that he does not want to kill him, but that he is
forced to do so by the law, otherwise he himself would have to face
capital punishment. What he can do, though, is spare him any humiliation and simply behead him" After his death (March 1367), Kallergis' body exhibits clear signs of his sainthood.t"
Martyrdom of Anthimos of Athens
Probably shortly after 1370 the future patriarch of Constantinople
Neilos Kerameus (1379-88) wrote an encomium of his friend Anthimos, forrner metropolitan of Athens (BHG 2029).55 At the request
of the Greek Orthodox community of Crete, Anthimos was sent to
the island during the above-mentioned Cretan rebellion against
Venice in order to take over the leadership of the local Church.56 The
rebellion finally was suppressed and Anthimos put into prison, where
he died in c. 1370. The encomium states that Anthimos died under
uncertain conditions, but also makes clear that in all probability he
was killed by the Venetians because they buried his body at an
unknown place in order to hide the evidence of their crime.V Another
reason for the secret burial of Anthirnos's body was the fact that the
Venetians feared that he would be venerated as a martyr." The question whether Anrhimos' death finally was murder or the result of his
imprisonment and the inhumane rreatment he had to face in prison,
according to Neilos, is irrelevant to the unquestioned fact that he
Story of Alexios Kallergis, P: 33, 8-9: w~ <ptAoe; <ptA4J.
Story of Alexios Kallergis, p. 33, 14-21.
Story of Alexios Kallergis, p. 34, 1-11.
K.!. DYOBOUNIOTES, '''0 'AIlYjvwv 'AvIlLiJ.oc; xoclTtpo.8poc;
Kp1j'n):; (, 0iJ.0AoytJ-rlj:;",
in: 'E71HTJei, 'Eraiola; Bv::'avrlviiJv E71ov"wV 9 (1932), pp. 56-79 (edirion of the text,
pp. 56-79).
56. For Anthimos see PLP 993, for Neilos Kerameus see PLP 11648.
57. NElLOS, Encomium of Antbimos, P: 76, 30: <i8YjAOV 8' d iJ.~ x",l TtOCP<XAoc't'tvwv
Encomium of 'Antbimos, p. 77, 1-2.
should be regarded as a martyr, because, in any case, he died as an
adamant confessor of the right faith.'?
On the whole, Anthimos is presented as a staunch and vehement
opponent of the Latin Church. During his brief stay in Crete, as the
leader of the local Orthodox Church he pursued a clear policy of
absolute segregation from the Latins and strict opposition against any
efforts toward contact between the two Churches. According to the
encomium, when the Cretans had temporarily succeeded in throwing
the Venetians out, Anthimos took pains to re-establish a purely
Orthodox Church, without any concessions to the Larins/" When
the rebellion finally failed and the Venetians tried to force the Cretans
into a union with the Latin Church, it was Anthimos' advice that
strengthened the Cretans' resistance and helped them to evade the
pressure put on them by the Latins." It was this kind of activity on
the part of Anthimos that the Latin bishop wanted to suppress by
putting him in prison and leaving him there to die.
Whereas the text has the title Speech on Our Holy Father Anthimos
of Athens the Confossor,62it, too, exhibirs typical traits of a classical
martyrion, the most conspicuous traditional feature being again the
confrontation with the impious and evil prosecutor: three times Anthimos is asked by his opponent, the Catholic archbishop of Crete, to
recant his faith, which of course Anthimos is unwilling to do.63 This
bishop, whose name is not mentioned.r' has all the characteristics of
59. NEILOS, Encomium of Anthimos, P: 76, 34-35: TOÜTO 7toc,n yvwP~fLoV )(Q(t O"oujlec; wc;
fLOlP'MJplou l'ipo(l.ov <xvoO"olc;"Oll O"T&ppWC; Im:£p rijc; £uC1£ßdOlc; ~ywv'C1fL£"oC; fLOlpTUp'XC;; "al T£A£'
"O<TtAuO"£ TY)v ~w~",
Encomium of Anthimos, p. 72, 14-16.
Encomium of Anthimos, p. 75, 24-36.
Encomium IlfAnthimos, p. 56: Aoyoe; de; TO" iv &ylo,e; 7taT£pa< ~fLWV •Av6~-
fLOV <XPX~£7t(O")(07tOV'AlhJvwv,
TO" ofLoAoY'l~Y'
63. NElLOS, Encomium of Anthimos, pp. 72, 39-73, 18; 74,5-75,3; 75, 37-76, 20.
64. Neilos only calls him "the one who was entrusted with the throne of Crete by the
Latins" (b Tolwv 7totpclt AotTlyo~c; TOY -riie; Kp~T7l'; 6povov 7t£7t'O"T£UfLtvo.; 72, 39-40). Since
the chronology in the encomium, in accordance with the particular rules of this literary
genre, is an insignificant issue and therefore remains unclear, it is also difficult to establish
who this archbishop was. According to G. FEDALTO, La chieSil latina in oriente, vol.Il.
Hierarchia Lasina Orimtis (Scudi Religiosi 3), Verona 1976, p. 106, Franciscus Quirini
(Querini) was archbishop of Crete from 1364-1367 (December). After Quirini the see
seems to have been vacant for more than a year before Antonius (de Nigris, Negri) became
archbishop in January 1369. This means that in all probability Anthimos, who was
arrested in about 1367 and spent three years in prison, was imprisoned under Franciscus
but died under Antonius,
the pagan officer or emperor of old who conducts the legal procedure
against the saint. Again as in the narrative on the Cypriot monks, by
using the word -ruPIXV'JOC;, Neilos explicitly states that in fact this bishop
had no right to judge and to punish Anrhimos.s? In the same text
Satan, too, is called -ruPIXVVOc:;.66 In both cases, thus, the word not only
refers to the brutal and violent nature of the persons, but also expresses
the illegal character of their power. Moreover, in the encomium the
saint's opponent is dearly presented as Satan's representative, when
Anthirnos is compared to Job or when his being questioned three times
is linked to Christ's being tried thrice by Satan in the desert.67 As in
the old martyria the evil judge gradually sheds off the civilized behaviour that at the beginning he pretended to have and at the end shows
his real, brutal face. Whereas firsr he tries to convince Anthimos with
flattering words to accept the Roman Catholic faith, promising him
riches and power, in the end he does not even speak to him, but puts
him again into prison with the dear intention of killing him.68
As in the other texts, Anthimos's martyrdom is presented as the
deserved and dignified end of a saintly life to which Anthimos had
aspired since he was young. His perseverance against persecution and
atrocities had been honed in his former struggle against the Antipalamites.69 Already on his journey to Crete he knew that he was going
to die, and he was happy about it. His desire to be a martyr was so
strong that he would have preferred to die immediately when he
arrived in Crete, but for the benefit of the local Orthodox flock he
waited pariently." At the end of the text, Anthimos is compared to
the Old Testament's saints and especially to the martyrs of old.?l
Martyrs of What?
Concerning martyrdom as it is described in these three texts, we
observe that both Alexios Kallergis and Anthimos are sentenced to
65. NEILOS, Encomium of AnthimoJ, pp. 76, 3. 17; cf. also 69, 14 (Latins in general)
and 77, 26. 29; 78, 35 (comparison with tyrants of old). As in the previous cases the
saint's opponent is also called "beast", fH)p, ibid., pp. 74, 5.
66. NEILOS,Encomium of AnthimoJ, pp. 69, 16 ("the invisible tyrant").
67. NElLOS, Encomium of AnthimoJ, pp. 65, 15-31; 75, 39-76, 2.
68. NEILOS,Encomium of Anthimos, pp. 73, 1-9; 76, 16-20.
69. NEILOS,Encomium of Anthimos, pp. 64, 23-65, 6; 66, 14-67,8.
70. NElLOS, Encomium of Anthimos, pp. 69, 12-33.
71. NElLOS, Encomium of Anthimos, pp. 77, 26-78,37, esp. p. 78, 35-37.
death primarily not as defenders of their faith, but as leaders of an
insurgence against rulers who happen to be Latins. And also in the
case of the Cypriot monks, although here too the religious cause is
intertwined with a national one, the reason for their death is that they
are not willing to recant their accusations that the Latins are heretics
because of their usage of unleavened bread. Even in the Life of Sabas
mentioned above, the saint is not attacked because he is a member of
the Orthodox Church, but because he wants to be a Holy Fool. This
means that in all cases the martyrs are put to death not because they
practise their faith or because they are unwilling to violate the principles of this faith or to abandon them, as it is the case with the
martyrs of old, but because they attack the political or spiritual
authorities in charge. Moreover, in all cases, the future saints are
presented as determined from the beginning to suffer death and as
consciously challenging the authorities.
Whereas the Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers has a clearly
anti-Latin purpose, in the other two texts Latins play an essential role,
but they are not the focus of the narrative. From the point of view of
the internal logic of these texts, the Latins appear as a necessaty element without which the saint would not reach the goal he had set
out for himself. In Neilos' Encomium Anrhirnos' struggle against the
Latin Church is even seen as a continuation of his struggle against the
Anripalamires. These texts, thus, aim more at strengthening the
Orthodox faith by showing the immense power it can develop than
at condemning the Roman Catholic Church. In this sense I would
suggest that even these cases do not constitute anti-Latin hagiography,
but that their anti-Latin spirit is a by-product of the saints' praise.
The Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers is not only strongly antiLatin, but it presents the martyrs as heroes of a 'national' struggle.
We don't know exactly when and by whom this text was written,
perhaps in the late 1250s, before the Byzantine recovery of Constantinople in 1261.72 Later on it was combined with letters of Patriarch
Germanos II concerning ecclesiastical issues of Cyprus, obviously with
72. As C. SCHABEL, "Martyrs and Heretics, Intolerance of Intolerance: The GreekLatinAzymo Dispute and the Execution ofThirreen Monks in Cyprus in 1231", in: IDEM,
Greeks, Latins, and the Church in Early Frankish Cyprus, Aldershot 2010 (Variorum
Reprints), study no. Ill, pp. 1-33, based on a thorough textual analysis, has convincingly
the aim to provide documentation for the state of the Orthodox
Church in Cyprus. Characteristically the two manuscripts (Parisinus
graecus 1335 and Marcianus graecus 575) which preserve the Narrative also contain other texts related to the "Cypriot national cause" as
weH as to anti-Laein and anti-heretical polemics in general_73
The anonymous Story of Alexis Kallergis is preserved in a manuscript
written by and containing also works ofloseph (or Ioannes) Philagres
(ea, 1335-end of fourteenth century), a well-known anti-Latin propagandist, and in all probabiliry the Story of Kallergis is also a work
by the same Philagres, who-and this is rather interesting-had been
functioning as Anrhimos's representative (OLXCX[W) from the time of
the latter's imprisonment until his death (i.e., 1367-95), when he was
hiding in the inaccessible Cretan mountains.Z!
Whereas these two texts combine a vehement anti-Catholic spirit
with the call for national liberation and their manuscript tradition is
dearly linked to anti-Latin propaganda, the Encomium on Anthimos
is preserved among a collection of Patriarch Neilos' speeches'" and
seems to reflect a purely private act of devotion by the martyr's friend
when the latter had not yet ascended the patriarchal throne. This
leaves us with the impression that, after the events, none of the three
cases of martyrdom was supported actively by the Church of
Constantinople, although, besides the well-known fact that Patriarch
Germanos 11 had encouraged the Cypriot monks,76 initially the
73. For the contents of Par. gr. 1335 see H. OMONT, Inuentaire sommaire des manuscnts
grecs de la Biblioth~qUl! Nationale, vol. 2, Paris 1888, pp. 14-16; cf. also J.A. MUNITIZ, "The
C. DENDRINOS (eds.), The Letter of the Three Patriarcbs to Emperor Theopbilos and Related
Texts, Camberley, Surrey 1997, pp. lxxix-xcv, esp. pp. lxxxvi-lxxxvii; for cod. Marc. 575
see E. MIONI, Bibliotbeca« Divi Marci Venenarum codica graeci manuscripti. Volumen Il.
Thesaurus antiquus. Codices 300-625, Rome 1985, pp. 481-488.
74. PAPAZOGLOU, "«"0, TOV T,,::i fLIllPT\JPLO\J 8':Z.e:TIllL (JT':tpIllVOV»', pp. 9-10 (with further
On Ioseph Philagres/Philagrios
see also PLP 29730.
75. Codex Parisinus Coislianus 243. See R. DEVREESSE, Catalogue des manuseriss grw.
II Le Fonds Coislin, Paris 1945, pp. 223-224. Cf. also H. HENNEPHOF, Das Homiliar des
Patriarchen Neilos und die Chrysostomische Tradition. Ein Beitrag zur QuellLngeschichte der
spätbyzantinischen Homiletik, Leiden 1963, p. 7, and concerning the scribe E. GAMILLSCHEG and D. HARLFINGER, Repertorium tkr griuhischen Kopisten 800-1600. 2. Teil,
Handschriften aus Bibliotheken Frankreichs und Nachträge zu den Bibliotheken Großbritanniens. A. Verzeichnis tkr Kopisten, Vienna 1989, No. 362, P: 139.
76. See SCHABEL, «Religion", p. 197, and above, footnore 35. It is also remarkable
that the official Orthodox
of Cyprus,
in the years immediately
patriarchate had strongly supported the Cretan rebellion by sending
Anthimos there as its representative and there is evidence that the
parriarchare knew how to exploit the cult of martyrs for its foreign
politics." Did the head of the Orthodox Church not want to interfere
in the internal affairs of those territories under Latin rule?
Some inconsistencies notwithstanding,
unsurprisingly the overall
image of the Latin in Byzantine hagiography is entirely negative. The
texts tell us that Latins are violent and wicked, but without going into
any details. Thus the negative picture remains dim and superficial.
What is most impressive in the few texts examined here in detail is
the emphasis given by the author to the hero's desire to die and to
the active provocation of his death; in the texts examined, the martyr
does not appear as a victim, but as a person who, one is tempted to
say, is in full control of his life - and death. Concerning this issue,
I would like to stress that the violent encounters between Greeks and
Latins described in the hagiographical texts I presented have to be
investigated not only in their historical-political context, but also in
the framework of each single text and its internallogic, as well as its
genre-related characteristics. Furthermore, the connection of martyrion and struggle for national liberation as we found it in the
event, did not recognize the monks as martyrs. In a lerrer to Emperor Ioannes III Batarzes,
issued between May 1231 and 1232, i.e., shortly after the monks' execution, Archbishop
Neophytes of Cyprus refers to the martyrs simply as "our glorious brothers the monks,
who have been killed"; 00. BEIHAMMER,
Griechische Urkunden aus dem Zypern der Kreuzfohreruit, pp. 180-182 (document 29), here p. 181, H. 40-41. See on this issue also
MORlNI,"Greci e latini", p. 213.
77. Obviously in support of Moscovite politics, Patriarch Philotheos I Kokkinos
(1353-54 and again 1364-76) canonized - one of the few cases where something like an
offical procedure of canonization seems to have taken place - three Lithuanians martyred
in 1347 by their pagan compatriots. Later on (probably between 1390 and 1397) an
encomium of the martyrs (BHG 2035) was composed by the patriarchal official Michael
Balsamen, apparently again in order to support Moscovite ambitions against Lithuania.
See on this issue J. MEYENDORFF,
BYZIlntium and the Ris« of Russia. A Study of BYZIlntinoRussian Relation: in the Fourteenth Century, Crestwood, NY 1989, esp. pp. 187-188. On
the event of the martyrdom itself see also D. BARONAS,
"The Three martyrs ofVilnius: a
fourteenth-century Martyrdom and Its Documentary Sources", in: Analeeta Boltandiana
122 (2004), pp. 83-134.
Narrative of the Thirteen Holy Fathers and the Story of Kallergis is
rather remarkable.78
As far as we can reconstruct the events, there was no wide-spread
Byzantine anti-Latin propaganda via hagiographical texts during the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Given the undisputed rivalry
between the Orthodox Church and the Church of Rome, on the one
hand, and the propagandistic potential of hagiography, on the other,
the fact that there are so few texts to be found (most of them coming
from the periphery) is a phenomenon that still awaits interpretation.
One reason for this restraint might have been that the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate was engaged in internal conflicts between Latinophiles and their opponents and during the fourteenth century
between Palamires and Antipalamires, with both conflicts overlapping
each other.
78. See on the connection between Orthodoxy and the formation of a national Greek
identity c.A. MALrszou, "H 8L<Xf.lOp'PWO"7J TTj~ EM"lJVL)(~, 'rIXUTOTTj'L"IX, '!TI) AIX'L"LVOltp'X'L"Ou("IJ
EM~81X", in: Bpnce et l'hellinisme: L'idmtiti grecque au Moym Age': Actes du Congres
International tenu iJ Trieste du ler au 3 Octobre 1997 (Cahiers Pierre Belon 6), Paris 1999,
pp. 103-119, esp. pp. 108-110.

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